Herbert Spencer, in "The Right to Ignore the State" (1851), pointed the problem with the following example: The "no tyranny" and "tyranny" situations can be characterized in any simple democratic decision-making context, as a deliberative assembly. Ī term used in Classical and Hellenistic Greece for oppressive popular rule was ochlocracy ("mob rule") tyranny meant rule by one man-whether undesirable or not. In 1994, legal scholar Lani Guinier used the phrase as the title for a collection of law review articles. In Herbert Marcuse's 1965 essay " Repressive Tolerance", he said "tolerance is extended to policies, conditions, and modes of behavior which should not be tolerated because they are impeding, if not destroying, the chances of creating an existence without fear and misery" and that "this sort of tolerance strengthens the tyranny of the majority against which authentic liberals protested". Ayn Rand wrote that individual rights are not subject to a public vote, and that the political function of rights is precisely to protect minorities from oppression by majorities and "the smallest minority on earth is the individual". Friedrich Nietzsche used the phrase in the first sequel to Human, All Too Human (1879).
Later users include Edmund Burke, who wrote in a 1790 letter that "The tyranny of a multitude is a multiplied tyranny." It was further popularised by John Stuart Mill, influenced by Tocqueville, in On Liberty (1859). Constitutional author James Madison presented a similar idea in Federalist 10, citing the destabilizing effect of "the superior force of an interested and overbearing majority" on a government, though the essay as a whole focuses on the Constitution's efforts to mitigate factionalism generally. Writing in defense of the Constitution in March 1788, Adams referred to "a single sovereign assembly, each member…only accountable to his constituents and the majority of members who have been of one party" as a "tyranny of the majority", attempting to highlight the need instead for "a mixed government, consisting of three branches". While the specific phrase "tyranny of the majority" is frequently attributed to various Founding Fathers of the United States, only John Adams is known to have used it, arguing against government by a single unicameral elected body. It appears in Part 2 of the book in the title of Chapter 8 "What moderates the tyranny of the majority in the United States absence of administrative centralization" ("De ce qui tempère aux États-Unis la tyrannie de la majorité" ) and in the previous chapter in the name of sections such as "The tyranny of the majority" and "Effects of the tyranny of the majority on American national character the courtier spirit in the united states". The origin of the term is commonly attributed to Alexis de Tocqueville, who used it in his book Democracy in America. A separation of powers (for example a legislative and executive majority actions subject to review by the judiciary) may also be implemented to prevent the problem from happening internally in a government. In both cases, in a context of a nation, constitutional limits on the powers of a legislative body, and the introduction of a Bill of Rights have been used to counter the problem. declaration of nullity of the decision) is the typical way after the vote. The use of public consultation, technical consulting bodies, and other similar mechanisms help to improve rationality of decisions before voting on them. Abandonment of rationality: when, as Tocqueville remembered, a decision "which bases its claim to rule upon numbers, not upon rightness or excellence".Typical solutions, in this condition, are concurrent majority and supermajority rules. Centralization excess: when the centralized power of a federation make a decision that should be local, breaking with the commitment to the subsidiarity principle.The scenarios in which tyranny perception occurs are very specific, involving a sort of distortion of democracy preconditions: This results in oppression of minority groups comparable to that of a tyrant or despot, argued John Stuart Mill in his 1859 book On Liberty. The tyranny of the majority (or tyranny of the masses) is an inherent weakness to majority rule in which the majority of an electorate pursues exclusively its own objectives at the expense of those of the minority factions.
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